It was just before high noon in Moscow on Thursday, June 19, when President Vladimir Putin initiated his telephone call to President Xi Jinping of China. A read-out by Putin’s foreign policy assistant, Yury Ushakov, followed almost immediately.
Xi did not authorize his summary for twenty-four hours until the Chinese official media organ, Global Times, published an editorial titled “The ‘four-point proposal’ injects stabilizing force into the crisis in the Middle East”. Another official version from Beijing, delayed for nine hours, can be read here.
In between Putin’s read-out and Xi’s editorial, the Russian General Staff leaked its assessment that the US, Israel and their allies are demonstrating in the Iran war, as they have already demonstrated in the Ukraine war, that negotiations for a ceasefire, a truce, or a peace agreement are pointless now.
Pretending this isn’t so is the Kremlin consensus for the time being. According to Xinhua, repeating the pretence in public is also the Bejing consensus.
Before he called Xi, Putin told the Xinhua press agency and other reporters: “we are ready and substantively guide the [Ukraine war] negotiations on the principles of settlement…We are in contact, our negotiation groups are in contact with each other. Only just now [Kremlin negotiator Vladimir] Medinsky asked — he says that only today he was talking to his counterparties from Kiev. In principle, they agree to meet after June 22.”
Unspoken in public for the time being is the discussion among Russian political and military leaders on what Putin’s surprise statement revoking the terms of the Russian pact with Iran means to the remaining treaty allies, China and North Korea. “With regard to the Strategic Treaty,” Putin has announced for the “Treaty on the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Russian Federation” he signed on January 17, 2025 — “there are no articles related to the defence sphere.”
Moscow knows this is false.
According to a well-informed source, “the Iranians have assured Putin through the security people that they are able to hold out. Putin is not calling out Trump’s lies because there will be no burning of bridges with Trump for as long as possible. Nothing will be gained from this. Calling Putin out on Israel is something everyone is avoiding here and might be the most sensitive nerve. So it’s best avoided.”
Exaggerating the true fact to mean the false factoid is SOP (standard operating procedure) in information warfare. It’s to be expected from President Donald Trump (lead image, right) and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (left) and their intelligence chiefs (centre), military officers, and media supporters.
The truest of the facts in the war so far are arithmetic: (1) that the clock is showing five days and nights long; (2) that there is no lessening in the tempo of the Iranian barrages against Israel; (3) that the Israeli counts of interceptions and target strikes represent less than 5% of US and Israeli estimates of Iran’s drone and missile stocks before the war.
There is more arithmetic. If Russia, China, and North Korea aim to re-supply Iran, there is no sign yet of increased shipborne deliveries from Astrakhan, Mahachkala and Olya, the Russian ports on the Caspian Sea, or from Turkmenbashi, the main port of Turkmenistan on the Caspian. If President Vladimir Putin, President Xi jinping, and Kim Jong Un have agreed in secret to assist the Iranian side, then their deliveries are likely to travel by air and rail into Turkmenistan first, and then by road across the border at Sarakhs into Iran. For the time being, the reports at Sarakhs say “light traffic” and “currently no alerts”.
Conclusion from these facts: Israel’s first shock-and-awe strikes have failed to produce a significant loss of Iran’s military capacities and political will to continue the war until Israel loses its capacities and will. Consequence of conclusion: if shock-and-awe fails, then schlock-and-flaw follows. Schlock is New York Yiddish for badly made merchandise, cheap junk.
This was demonstrated by Trump’s airplane remarks as he headed into Washington the night before his June 18 Situation Room session. Asked what end of war terms he is planning for Iran, he said: “An end. A real end, not a ceasefire. An end…[Question: So something that would be permanent?] Yeah, or — or, uh, giving up entirely…Certainly possible that they would give up. That’s possible.”
This is the schlock. For analysis of the flaw in the US-Israel war plan, click to listen to the new podcast with Nima Alkhorshid and Ray McGovern.
The plan to attack Iran, force regime change in Teheran, decapitate and disarm Iranian forces, and partition the country into ethnic autonomies is nothing new.
In August 1941 British and empire forces (Indian, Australian) acted in coordination with Soviet forces to occupy the country, ostensibly to prevent the Shah of Iran from allowing German forces to seize Iranian oilfields and attack the land corridor from the Persian Gulf northwards across the country and into the Soviet Union through which US Lend-Lease aid for the war effort was being transported. At the time, with British air superiority in the south and Soviet air superiority in the north, the regime in Teheran had no choice but to capitulate.
By November 1943, when Joseph Stalin, Franklin Roosevelt and Winston Churchill met together in Teheran (lead image, left), Stalin already knew the British were aiming to monopolize Iranian oil supplies for themselves, and with the Americans were “creat[ing] a real threat to the interests of our country if we do not take timely countermeasures.” – Page 71. Stalin’s reaction was first to test Iran’s parliamentary leadership for signing an oil concession agreement. When the Iranians rejected that, Stalin ordered a Red Army-backed secession movement for an independent Azeri statelet based in Tabriz. He abandoned this scheme at the end of March 1946.
A recent anti-Soviet history of the episode claims Stalin retreated because he was afraid of direct conflict with the US, which was then planning atom bomb attacks on the Soviet Union. Also, Stalin “underestimated his Iranian opponents who ultimately left him out in the cold”.
Between 1982 and 1988 the collective Soviet leadership faced a similar problem from the hostile regime in Teheran led by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini; he called the Kremlin the “lesser Satan” after the “Great Satan” (US) and “Little Satan” (Israel). Khomeini implemented his hyperbole by threatening the Soviet Islamic republics, as well as the Red Army in Afghanistan. The Politburo retaliated by arming Iraq’s President Saddam Hussein sufficiently well to preserve his regime from being toppled by Khomeini’s counter-invasion; this followed after the failure of Soviet efforts to dissuade Hussein from starting his war against Iran, and then to maintain neutrality between the two sides.
This week the evidence is mounting of a US plan to attack Iran, using Israeli forces in the air and on the ground, plus German, British, and other NATO logistic assets. The public cause of war has been repeated by President Donald Trump (lead image, right centre) – to destroy Iran’s nuclear enrichment, weaponization, and ballistic missile capabilities. “Look, Iran should have signed sign the deal,” Trump said on Monday at the G7 summit conference in Canada. ”Something’s going to happen…[Question: President, do you want to see regime change in Iran?] I want to see no nuclear weapon in Iran and we’re well on our way to making sure that happens….”
Operationally, however, repeated missions by the Israeli Air Force (IAF) since last Friday (June 13) have failed to do this. US and Russian sources have been reporting that only US B-2 and B-52 bombers, currently based in Qatar and Diego Garcia and armed with GBU-57A/B MOP (Massive Ordnance Penetrator) bombs can achieve this result.
Such an operation, in combination with other IAF raids on Iranian defences, missile stocks and firing platforms, requires intensive and coordinated US, Israeli and allied intelligence, plus a large fleet of aerial refuelling tankers based in Cyprus and other close-in staging points.
This operation, US and Russian sources believe, is the reason Trump abruptly cancelled his G7 meetings and returned to the White House Situation Room. “As soon as I leave here, we’re going to be doing something. But I have to leave here.”
Censorship, deception operations, and propaganda screens make it difficult to judge how much time, weapons stocks, and effective air defences the Israeli and Iranian forces have on the fourth day of the war. In this US-produced video summary, the conclusion is that the IAF has failed to achieve air superiority over Iran, except for the west border regions; and that therefore the risk to a US bombing operation over central Iran continues to be much higher than has been revealed in public.
The film also claims that if Iran can protract its drone and missile barrages for several more days, accelerating the tempo and adding new types of weapons, it will exhaust Israel’s air defence missile stocks and its inventory of air and ground attack weapons. “It seems that Iran can sustain the missile salvos for a longer period than Israel can maintain operational and non-depleted missile defence systems…time appears to be on the Iranian side despite the constant strikes deep inside the country conducted by in-situ covert sabotage drones and missiles.” Min 12:45
If this is accurate, Trump is under pressure from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (lead image, right) to hurry up; and Russian President Vladimir Putin (lead image, right) knows it.
“The United States still needs some time”, Boris Rozhin reports for the Russian military blog Colonel Cassad in Moscow, “to gather in the theatre all the required ships, tankers and bombers…And so there has been talk of ‘another chance’, ‘send Witkoff’, etc. But then Iran will again be offered to abandon its nuclear program and missiles which Iran cannot accept. At the same time, if it was only about nuclear weapons, Iran was always ready to refuse them in exchange for the lifting of sanctions. But this isn’t about nuclear weapons – it is the desire to change the regime in Teheran.” — June 17, 06:41.
“If Israel could have handled Iran itself, the launch of this scenario would not be required. But it is required primarily for Israel, because it was not possible to crush Iran quickly. Iran began to recover from the strikes and reorganize under a long-term war, which is like death for Israel… There is every reason to believe that in a fairly short time Israel will face a shortage of high-precision weapons. The forecast – they will be able to maintain the pace of blows for several tens of days, but not more than a hundred. Further, everything will depend on the political will of the Iranian leadership and the degree of its control over the population. At the cost of supertension and disproportionately high losses, Iran can still win. But it will be very difficult.” — June 17, 12:21.
That’s an expression which originated in the fly-blown goldrush mines of Australia in 1840 and then moved with the flies to the goldrush mines of California a few years later. Literally, it means a man who is too quick for a fly to settle on him. Metaphorically, it means a man who is much too clever to be fooled by a fraudster or deceived by an enemy.
Putin is much too quick not to recognize that President Donald Trump is both a fraudster and an enemy. Putin doesn’t have to be told by the General Staff that Trump’s war plans are an existential threat to Russia’s security on the western front (Ukraine, Romania, Poland); northern front (Norway, Sweden, Finland), eastern front (Japan, South Korea); and southern front (Iran).
Last Thursday night, as the US and Israel began their war against Russia’s strategic ally Iran, starting with decapitation strikes against the Islamic Republic’s leadership, the Russian General Staff didn’t have to send Putin their “we told you so” message. But the Kremlin’s communication system broke down, nonetheless.
Officially, the war didn’t begin for the Russians until they detected US and Israeli fuelling, arming, and deception preparations on Thursday ahead of the first Israeli weapons launches after midnight into Friday. Earlier in the day, Putin had been telling his arms chiefs “we know the enemy’s modus operandi. However, I do not think we are falling behind in any way.” The combination of drone and missile attack tactics of the enemy requires, he said, “the new state armament programme [to] ensure creation of a universal air defence system capable of operating under any conditions and effectively hitting air assault weapons regardless of their type.”
What about defence against ultra close range, ultra low-altitude drone attacks of the kind which the US, the UK and Ukraine had successfully executed, evading detection and interception, on June 1 against Russia’s nuclear bomber bases across the country? Putin’s scripted phrase “air assault weapons” left that unmentioned in the Kremlin communiqué, but not in the closed-door session after Putin announced: “Let’s get to work”.*
What then was the similar coordination by the US and Israel of long-range air assault operations with ground-level attacks targeted fatally on five, possibly eight Iranian generals and five Iranian nuclear scientists. The US and Israeli media reports have termed these decapitation strikes acts of war, not acts of terrorism. The Russian media reports have followed suit.
The state media platform RIA Novosti editorialized on June 14 that the Israeli operations are a rehearsal for what the US and its allies are planning to do to Russia, and that this is well understood in Moscow. “Many respected analysts of different calibres believe that the purpose of the attack on Iran is to eliminate the country’s nuclear program (necessarily) and regime change (extremely desirable). In fact, the main goal of the operation is to work out a mass preventive disarming strike against the enemy with serious military capabilities – that enemy is called not Iran, but Russia.”
This strategic plan, writes Boris Rozhin, a leading military blogger reflecting the views of senior Russian military officers, is President Donald Trump’s first of all, and aimed at Russia next. “Current events in the Middle East region demonstrate a dramatic change in the geopolitical situation. The Western powers, throwing away their purported enmity, have united in a general offensive against an independent Iran, a key ally of Russia…The previous ‘disagreements’ have turned out to be only a spectacle for the public. Iran’s defeat will be a strategic catastrophe for Russia, surpassing even the loss of Syria. Iran plays a key role in maintaining a balance of power in the Middle East and is Russia’s most important ally in confronting Western domination…The war against Iran, initiated by the Western world, could have disastrous consequences for the entire world order. This is not a local conflict, but an attempt to finally break the last pockets of resistance to the unipolar world…For Russia, this means the need to make drastic decisions to protect its strategic interests and allies.” — June 14, 21:19
“In summing up this story,” Rozhin wrote yesterday, — June 14, 14:31, “we can conclude – if there is anyone who has not yet understood – that the ‘Trump peace attempts’ are worthless and will lead to nothing – neither in the Middle East nor in Ukraine. Therefore, agreements with Trump are not worth it. It is necessary to strengthen the army and the military-industrial complex and achieve the goals of the SVO [Special Military Operation] by military means. In order not to say again, ‘we wanted peace, and the Americans deceived us again’, as the Iranians do now.”
In the policy discussion currently under way, a Moscow source reports the intelligence assessment that Iran’s military capabilities are not as effective as they have been publicly portrayed or as the generals have threatened; that the clerical leadership under Ayatollah Ali Khamenei knows this; and that he and his clerical allies believe their best chance of survival in power is to limit the counterattack on Israel, ask for a ceasefire, bargain with their threat to close the Hormuz Strait, and abandon their negotiating positions on nuclear enrichment and missile development.
“If the nuclear bomb was a bluff, and we believe it was,” the source says, “then they should have learned the lessons of Saddam [Hussein]. They should have expected Netanyahu and Trump to call their bluff. Now that’s happened, Iran’s internal weakness is also stark. I believe SVR [foreign intelligence], GRU [military intelligence] and MiD [foreign ministry] have concluded the conflict is the Iranians to lose – and this is what is happening. What can Putin do if the clerics have no nerve to fight?”
Follow the sequence of events as these messages went to the Kremlin for decision.
The Oreshnik Moment was first coined on June 1 here and then discussed in the Reason2Resist podcast on June 3. It’s a period of time – it’s not a prediction of the counter-attack which the Russian General Staff will launch against the June 1 drone attack on the bomber element of the triad of Russia’s nuclear deterrence forces.
The certainty of the counter-attack is given by the December 2024 nuclear deterrence doctrine, enacted by President Vladimir Putin, in order to preserve escalation control in the current war on the Ukrainian battlefield, and to deter escalation by the US and NATO adversaries on Russia’s southern, western, northern and eastern fronts. Putin described the revisions of the doctrine in 2024 as “factor[ing] in the emergence of new sources of military threats and risks for Russia and our allies”, particularly in “regard [to] an aggression against Russia from any non-nuclear state but involving or supported by any nuclear state as their joint attack against the Russian Federation.” That’s the Ukraine now; it’s also Romania, Poland, Finland and Germany as the US places (and plans to deploy) nuclear weapons in these states, aimed at Russian targets.
“Our nuclear triad remains the most important security guarantee for our state and citizens, an instrument for maintaining strategic parity and balance of forces in the world, ” Putin had said last year. Ten days after the June 1 triad attack, Putin has now repeated his announcement. “Special attention must be paid to the nuclear triad,”, he said on June 11, “which has been and remains the guarantor of Russia’s sovereignty, playing a key role in maintaining the global balance of power.”
US analysts have been downplaying the seriousness of this strategic moment; they claim the moment is already passing for a strategic counter-attack, the launch of Oreshnik missiles at the Ukrainian, American and British command centres which directed the June 1 operation.
Russian sources emphasize they are in no hurry to act – focus instead, they warn, on the moment, not on the means.
Currently, the sources point out that there are two levels of direct Russia-US negotiations which were agreed during the telephone call between Putin and Trump on February 12. At the first level, the talks to achieve an end-of-war settlement for the Ukraine battlefield have reached highly precise term sheets – 22 terms for the Ukraine, 33 terms for Russia. The next session of the talks is anticipated in Istanbul at the end of June.
The second level of talks is between the Russian Foreign Ministry and US State Department on improving the diplomatic channels between the governments. Deputy Foreign Minister Sergei Ryabkov described these as talks on the “irritants”. “As a third round of bilateral talks on irritants approaches, it is too early to disclose the date, but, hopefully, the [next] round will be held very soon,” the senior Russian diplomat told reporters.[The talks will raise] an entire range of issues, more or less complicated, even as there are basically no less complicated issues when it comes to the United States.” Russia’s new ambassador to the US, Alexander Darchiev, said there have been few concrete agreements so far after two rounds on the “irritants”. One of the gains, he said, was to hold the talks in the capitals, Moscow and Washington. No date for the next round, to be held in Moscow, has been fixed.
The “irritants” on the agenda of these negotiations include the US seizure of Russian consular property in Seattle, problems of access to the Russian dacha in Virginia, visa problems for UN meetings, the embassy staffing problems, access to bank accounts, and resumption of direct flights.
Ryabkov and Darchiev call these “irritants” with irony. They mean to make public their concern that after two sessions – February 27 and April 10 — there has been little agreement from the US side after the two sides have exchanged their Notes.
Moscow sources say they believe the head of the US negotiating team, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Sonata Coulter, has been ordered to keep talking but agree to nothing. One reason for this, the Russian side believes, is that Secretary of State Marco Rubio and the White House office in charge of personnel appointments have been slow to vet and approve appointments to the senior State Department bureaux. Rubio, for example, has yet to confirm his former assistant, Brendan Hanrahan, to become Coulter’s superior and head of the EUR bureau at State.
The decision to extend the Oreshnik moment does not reflect trust in Trump or his officials to agree on the Russian terms in these negotiations. It reflects patience, and the Kremlin’s calculation that there is nothing to lose in giving Trump more time to prove himself. Click for the discussion with Dimitri Lascaris explaining the reasons, and also the limits to this patience.
Today is the Russian national holiday which President Boris Yeltsin first introduced to celebrate himself and whitewash the crimes he committed against the country.
For reminder today, a kindly reader has found a series of interviews on Yeltsin and his crimes, which I first recorded in my study on Kolobovsky pereulok, Moscow (lead image), in May 1995 with the Dutch RTL 4 television company. The interview films had been stripped from this website by a hacker who did not agree with the hostile account I gave of Yeltsin’s first term.
In The Netherlands, the RTL 4 management also did not agree, so my views were not allowed to be broadcast.
The restored video film runs in seven parts for a total of 63 minutes. It can be viewed here.
Behind me, hanging on the study wall, is the saddest painting I own. It is of an unnamed Red Army officer looking into the dark; it was painted by an artist who didn’t sign his name or the date, probably in 1920 or 1921. In the lower right corner, the canvas has been holed by the damp and rot of time.
I would see that Red Army man every time I sat down at my desk. Over my shoulder, he kept reminding me of what Yeltsin and his gang were doing to betray and destroy Russia more thoroughly than the Civil War and then the Germans had done. I don’t know whether he survived to speak. I have, though.
President Donald Trump believes – because his opinion pollsters tell him – that pre-emptive attack wins the battleground. That’s to say, the battleground states in US elections.
Federalizing California state firefighting troops and ordering them with US Marines – 5,000 of them so far — into action in Los Angeles is the latest example of Trump’s calculation that voter support for his war against immigrants will rally national support against his negative approval poll, and win him elections next year and in 2028.
President Vladimir Putin’s calculation is that delay is the best strategy for the moment. This is in order to preserve Russian voter approval and give Trump time to deliver an armistice for the Ukrainian battlefield on the Russian terms which were delivered at Istanbul on June 2.
Moscow sources in a position to know have been reporting that the drone attack on the nuclear-triad bombers at their bases on June 1 required delay in the military response. Publicly, officials have camouflaged the delaying tactic by describing the attack as a terrorist action by a terrorist organisation without Trump knowing in advance and approving. Moscow sources acknowledge this is smokescreen.
Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov publicly conceded as much on Monday: “Obviously, Ukraine is responsible for all that but it would be helpless without the support of the Anglo-Saxons. We can omit the Saxons now and just say — without the support of the English. It is possible that, by inertia, US intelligence services are still involved, but the British are involved 100 percent.”
Lavrov went on: “I sincerely hope constitutional norms will prevail in America – that President Donald Trump will not be constrained in exercising his constitutional authority, that he will not face obstruction, and that he will receive full access to information.”
Lavrov said this on Monday afternoon (June 9), Moscow time. By then he knew – and Putin was briefed — that two days before (June 7), from inside tightly secured Camp David, Trump had invoked his constitutional powers and ordered troops into action against “protests or acts of violence [which] directly inhibit the execution of the laws [and] constitute a form of rebellion against the authority of the Government of the United States.”
Lavrov was trying to give Trump more time. “I am not aware of how thoroughly the US President is briefed regarding operations the Ukrainian regime conducts against our country. That numerous American advisors remain embedded within Ukraine’s security services is an established fact – they have not been withdrawn. That military instructors from other nations supplying weapons to the Ukrainian regime operate there is equally factual. That they advise Ukrainian armed forces on strategic operations, facility placement, and camouflage – this too we know. As I have mentioned, many modern weapons systems cannot be operated without the direct involvement of military personnel from the supplying nations.”
On Monday the Russians have read the court papers filed by California Governor Gavin Newsom declaring Trump’s military operation in Los Angeles illegal under Section 12406 of the Militia Act of 1903, the Posse Comitatus Act of 1878, the Insurrection Act of 1807, and the US Constitution. The governor asked for an urgent court injunction to stop Trump’s escalation. Click to read.
On Tuesday, Justice Department lawyers filed a one-paragraph answer calling California’s challenge “legally meritless”. Trump was playing for time — the judge agreed to the delaying tactic. He said he would not open a hearing until Thursday. By then, Trump has already signalled his preemptive attack will have succeeded. “Well, if we didn’t do it,” Trump said in a speech at Fort Bragg, “there wouldn’t be a Los Angeles. It would be burning today, just like their houses were burning a number of months ago.” Fort Bragg is the headquarters of the US Army’s airborne and special forces commands.
When it comes to California politics, Russian oligarchs and their lobbyists at the Kremlin have long claimed to know much more than the Russian intelligence agencies. Not this week.
Moscow sources have been saying privately, military bloggers publicly, that there would be a special Security Council meeting this week to end the delay on Russia’s strategic response to the June 1 attack. This meeting, the sources add, would address the lingering argument over how to anticipate Trump’s actions towards Russia’s end-of-war terms.
The Security Council meeting took place, according to the Kremlin website, on Tuesday afternoon. The agenda, Putin said in his public opening, “focuses on improving the state policy of protecting traditional Russian spiritual and moral values…Let us discuss how the Plan of Measures for the implementation of the Fundamentals of State Policy for the Preservation and Strengthening of Traditional Values is being carried out overall, which tasks have been accomplished, and which issues remain unresolved.”
No military officers were present but for the first time at the Council this year, Defense Minister Andrei Belusov appeared wearing a military uniform. What was he signalling?
“The consensus on our goals in Ukraine is unambiguous,” an informed Moscow source says. “It is up to the General Staff to achieve it with minimal losses without a timetable. A political timetable will not be forced on the generals. But we see Trump takes no responsibility to end this but accuses only Biden. Never mind that is false.”
Click to listen to today’s discussion with Nima Alkhorshid and Ray McGovern.
Samuel Beckett’s Waiting for Godot (1953, lead image) was a serious comedy. It ends without the outcome the characters had been waiting for so they decide to hang themselves, but they can’t find enough rope. “Well, shall we go? Estragon says to Vladimir in the concluding dialogue of the play. “Yes, let’s go”, Vladimir replies. “They do not move” is the last line in the script. Vladimir was either French or Irish and is not related to any Russian you know.
Waiting for Trumpo (2025) is a farce in which the principal character lacks the power for the ending he says he is waiting for. He has plenty of rope, though, using it to hang everyone else and leave him the last man standing. He too doesn’t move.
President Vladimir Putin told President Donald Trump on June 4 that he is waiting for him to show he is moving the Kiev regime to sign the terms of the Russian Memorandum — publicly released in Istanbul on June 2 — starting with the cessation of fresh US and NATO military deliveries to Kiev and the provision of the intelligence on which the next round of Ukrainian attacks depends.
Sources in Moscow confirm that the drone attack of June 1 on the Russian nuclear bomber fleet has shortened the waiting time Putin has agreed with the General Staff, the intelligence agencies, and Foreign Ministry to give Trump. In return for shortening this interval, the Defense Ministry has announced it is restricting its retaliatory strikes in the meantime to the tactical level. “Last night,” the Ministry reported on June 10, “the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation launched a massive strike with high-precision long-range air-launched weapons at one of the airfields of the AFU [Armed Forces of Ukraine] tactical aviation aircraft in the Dubno area of the Rivne region. This is one of the retaliatory strikes against the terrorist attacks on Russian military airfields committed by the Kiev regime.”
The Defense Ministry waited nine days before saying this much.
On June 6, in summary of battlefield operations for the preceding week, the Ministry had reported: “Last night [June 5], in response to the terrorist acts of the Kiev regime, the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation launched a massive strike with high-precision long-range air, sea and land-based weapons, as well as unmanned aerial vehicles, at design bureaus, enterprises for the production and repair of weapons and military equipment of Ukraine, workshops for the assembly of unmanned aerial vehicles, flight personnel training centres, and as well as warehouses of weapons and military equipment of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. The objective of the strike has been achieved. All designated targets have been hit.”
Two days before, in their telephone conversation of June 4, Putin had agreed with Trump to overlook US involvement in the attack on the nuclear triad and avoid triggering Section 19( c) of Russia’s nuclear deterrence strategy which provides for Russian nuclear response to “actions by an adversary affecting elements of critically important state or military infrastructure of the Russian Federation, the disablement of which would disrupt response actions by nuclear forces”.
Renaming the Kiev regime a terrorist organisation and the attacks on strategic Russian targets as terrorist actions is another Russian waiting move. Delay of strategic retaliation – tactical nuclear targeting, Oreshnik launch with non-nuclear warheads – is another waiting move.
Trump replied on June 6. Asked if as a result of the attack on the bomber airfields, he is “worried that there might be a nuclear breakout with Russia, Ukraine? “ Trump replied: “I don’t. I hope not. I hope not. I think it’s a war that would’ve never happened. If I were president, that wouldn’t have happened. I certainly hope not.” He also implied he had accepted that Putin’s retaliation would be limited. The Ukrainians “gave, they gave, uh, Putin a reason to go in and bomb the hell out of ’em last night. That’s the thing I didn’t like about it. When I saw it, I said, “Here we go. Now it’s gonna be a strike.’”
According to the interpretation in Moscow, Trump was also allowing the Ukrainians, their NATO allies, and their US advisors to continue their strategy of escalation in order to resist the Russian end-of-war terms.
Since then Trump has declared war on California Governor Gavin Newsom, the front-running presidential candidate for the Democratic Party. Over the weekend at Camp David, Trump said “we have meetings with various people about very major subjects. Now we thought we’d do it at Camp David. There’s probably better security there than anyplace. We’ll be meeting with a lot of people, including generals, as you know, and admirals.” He took Secretary of State and National Security Adviser Marco Rubio with him to Camp David.
Russian sources say they are expecting to be told what these meetings decided on the Russian Memorandum. They are also expecting Putin will call a meeting this week to decide the consensus of officials, commanders, and advisors on what will happen next. “We have to wait,” one source said privately, “and see what pressure the Security Council wants to apply before the next [Istanbul] meeting.”
Leading Moscow military blogger Boris Rozhin reports the retaliatory strikes so far are “not yet a response. Soon there will be a meeting of the Security Council where the ongoing response will be discussed…If the pace [of retaliatory strikes] continues, we can expect strikes on the critical nodes…of the central and eastern [electrical] power systems of Ukraine.”
“There is time,” the confidential Moscow source says, “for Trump to deliver the Ukrainian signature on the Memorandum in Istanbul by the end of the month. If he fails and Zelensky does not sign it, then I think we will see a massive escalation. In the meantime, pay less attention to the daily news from the front – at least until one or two fronts collapse and there is [Russian] breakthrough in substantial numbers.”
The game of tell-and-consequences begins with a prompt.
In response each player must then write down a word or phrase without knowing what word or phrase has been written by the previous players. When the sequence and accumulation of words and phrases from all the players around the table is complete, the composite result is unrolled and read out.
The game was an American invention in 1958. The juxtaposition of meanings was intended to be funny. It was also a best-seller and made the inventors a lot of money.
In the games which President Donald Trump plays, making money is always the objective.
In the game which Trump and President Vladimir Putin are playing over the negotiations to end the war in the Ukraine, the sequence and accumulation of words have begun to lose their meaning. This isn’t funny.
With the Oreshnik Moment on pause, who will say what is to be gained, what risked, what lost when President Vladimir Putin decides to play Molotov (lead image, lower right) to these two Ribbentrops (lead image, top left and right)?
“We have so much in common”, President Donald Trump was told yesterday by Friedrich Merz, Chancellor of Germany with a 25.5% vote. “With your German provenance, I think this is a very good basis for close cooperation.”
Trump replied apologetically: “I’m the one that ended Nord Stream 2, uhh, going to a place called Germany, come to think of it. I’m sorry I did that, uhhh [smiling at Merz]. But I ended Nord Stream 2. Nobody else did”.
Reminding Trump that the next day, June 6, is the 80th anniversary of the landings in Normandy to open the western front against German forces, Merz said: “This is the D-Day anniversary when the Americans once ended the war in Europe.”
The Chancellor was repeating Adolf Hitler’s version of the war. Trump agreed. “That was not a pleasant day for you? Turning to the cameras, he repeated: “this was not a great day.” Merz replied: “Well, in the long run, Mr. President, this was the liberation of my country from Nazi dictatorship. We know that we owe you. But this is the reason why I’m saying that America is again in a very strong position to do something on this war and ending this war. So, let’s talk about what we can do jointly.”
Their joint plan, Merz and Trump agreed, means rearming Germany again, with US troops to remain where they are in Europe. This is war against Russia again.
Asked by a German reporter “if Germany is doing enough on defence”, Trump replied: “Well, I don’t know, I haven’t discussed it very much. I know that you are spending more money on defence now, and errr, quite a bit more money, and that’s a positive thing… I’m not sure General MacArthur [from 1945 to 1951 Supreme Allied Commander] would have said it’s positive. You know, he wouldn’t like it, but I sort of think it’s good. You [turning to Merz smiling] understand what I mean by that. He made a statement, ‘Never let Germany rearm’. And I always think about that… at least up to a certain point. There will be a point when I’ll say, please don’t arm any more if you don’t mind — [patting Merz on the leg] – we’ll be watching them.” – Min 9:26.
Twenty hours after Trump’s Oval Office press session with Merz, Rollcall.com has not yet published the full video record and verbatim transcript. This is an exceptional delay. As a result, the excerpts of the Trump-Merz session now in print come for the most part from the media supporting both Trump and Merz against Russia. Read these excerpts as I have transcribed them.
